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I also have no quarrel with Modood's claim that the fact of moderate secularism is important for political theory discussions of secularism. In fact, I think that it is a quite significant fact and that its role in rebutting the common argument from secularism against multicultural accommodation of religious minorities is far from negligible. As to the concept of ‘moderate secularism’, I am not denying or belittling the importance of Modood's observation that all actually existing secularisms are moderate ( Modood, 2007 ).
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#MODERATE POLITICS DEFINITION HOW TO#
In this rejoinder to Tariq Modood's response to my article on moderate secularism and multicultural equality ( Lægaard, 2008 Modood, 2009 ), I address three themes: the descriptive concept of ‘moderate secularism’ and its significance, the idea of a ‘difference‐sensitive’ ideal of multicultural equality and some methodological issues about how to do political theory.
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This normative claim goes beyond the empirical observation and has to be argued, which is why the debate is Our moderate centrist members take the time to look at issues from every side before coming to a conclusion. It is less clear, however, precisely what the import of the fact of moderate secularism is, and it is certainly not obvious that moderate secularism is ‘superior’ to other forms of secularism in normative terms ( Modood, 2009, p. We respect and appreciate individuals who fall under a moderate political definitionmaking us the ideal organization for people who feel that their moderate leanings prohibit them from joining any of the modern political parties. I also have no quarrel with Modood's claim that the fact of moderate secularism is important for political theory discussions of secularism. Our approach to unraveling the meaning associated with ideological labels begins with the assumption that such terms are powerful, political symbols to many. Specifically, ideological identifications are found to have largely symbolic meanings, a fact that helps to explain some of the findings concerning the relationship of the liberal/conservative continuum to political perception and behavior.Moderate Secularism, Difference Sensitivity and Contextualism: A Rejoinder to Modood Moderate Secularism, Difference Sensitivity and Contextualism: A Rejoinder to Modood Based on the 19 National Election Studies, our empirical analysis reveals strong support for the model. In this paper, we develop a model of ideological identifications that emphasizes their symbolic and nondimensional origins and nature. Implicit in this research, however, are two tenuous assumptions: that liberal/conservative identifications are bipolar in meaning and that underlying this bipolarity is cognitive meaning based on political issues. Recently, however, several studies have suggested that such identifications play a significant role in voting behavior and political perception. Although over the past few decades liberal/conservative self-identifications have often played a part in studies of belief systems, they have seldom been the focus of research.